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INTRODUCING THE REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA
CONTENTS
I. Introduction
II. The Country
III. The People
Inter-Group Relationships
Political and Social Systems
IV. Economic Resources
1967 Published by the Government of the Republic of Biafra.
I. Introduction
A new nation has been
born. Fourteen million people have taken their destiny into their own
hands and embarked on the task of building a nation free from fear,
bitterness and hate. Their sole aim is to develop their innate
capabilities and rear their children in an atmosphere of peace and
security. They stretch their hands of fellowship to all nations and
appeal for understanding, friendship and co-operation.
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| Biafra coat of Arm |
We, Biafrans, opted for
self-determination after a long period of heart-searching and after
making desperate efforts to save the Federation of Nigeria from
disintegration. More than any other people in the former Federation,
Biafrans contributed their human and material resources to the cause of
national unity. From 1914, when the British amalgamated Northern and
Southern Nigeria, Biafrans began to leave their homeland in large
numbers to settle in several places among the Fulani-Hausa in the North
and the Yoruba in the West. In those areas they opened up new avenues of
commerce and industry and at the same time built new homes and erected
places of worship and institutions of learning. By so doing they came to
acquire a real stake in the progress and well-being of ALL parts of the
country. They regarded themselves as citizens of Nigeria to an extent
that no other group in the country ever did.
Wherever Biafrans
sojourned their industry, resourcefulness and drive marked them out from
their neighbours. In the North, particularly, the distinction was
enhanced by religion; for while the majority of the Fulani-Hausa
population were Muslims the Biafrans were and still remain mostly
Christians. In addition, the progress and dynamism of Biafrans
contrasted with the tardiness and conservatism of their neighbours who
were generally unable to achieve the same standards of efficiency and
prosperity. The envy and animosity the Biafrans excited were manifested
periodically, such as in the massacre of Biafrans by Northern Nigerians
at Jos in 1945 and at Kano in 1953.
While Biafrans abroad
were thrusting ahead and setting the pace for the economic development
of Nigeria, those in Biafra itself were diligently exploiting the human
and material resources of their homeland. Their ready acceptance of
modern ideas and techniques brought them to the forefront of economic
and political activities. Democratic by tradition, they championed
democratic ideals and at the same time advocated the concept of a united
country. They resolutely opposed the reactionary ideas of the
Fulani-Hausa ruling elite which controlled the North and dominated the
Federal Government. They also resisted the vicious and unscrupulous
methods by which the Northerners sought to perpetuate their hold on the
political strings of Nigeria. It was largely this confrontation between
the forces of progress, represented by Biafrans, and those of reaction,
represented by the Fulani-Hausa which culminated in the Nigerian census
crisis of 1963-64, the Federal election crisis of 1964 and the Western
Nigeria election crisis of 1965 which brought the military to power in
January 1966.
During the massacre of 29
May 1966, which was the reaction of the Fulani-Hausa to Unification
Decree No. 34 of the Supreme Military Council, Biafrans were the sole
victims and there was no discrimination with regard to their individual
ethnic origin. The massacre of Biafran army officers and men by their
Northern "comrades-in-arms" on 29 July 1966, and of Biafran civilians
later, followed the same pattern: they were killed only because they
were Biafrans.
Those who survived the
pogrom fled back to their homeland disillusioned and embittered. Their
investments in other parts of the Federation had been destroyed and
those whom they held dear had been killed or maimed. The families in
Biafra who received them back shared their grief, and hardly any family
in Biafra escaped the loss of a member or the return of a destitute
relative needing relief. The Northern Assailants showed no sign of
remorse. On the contrary they were jubilant over the expulsion of the
Biafrans in their midst. The Biafrans themselves would never think of
going back to expose themselves to the risk of a repeat of their
previous harrowing experience. Thus the pogrom of 1966 resulted in an
irreversible movement of population.
In spite of all they had
suffered during earlier massacres and during the more recent pogrom, the
people of Biafra sought no revenge but strove strenuously to find a
peaceful solution which would keep Nigeria together. The Northerners, on
the contrary, rejected every overture, ignored the implementation of
agreements which had been mutually arrived at, and relied on their
military occupation of Lagos and Western Nigeria to humiliate Biafrans
even further.
Two of these agreements
stand out clearly. As far back as 9 August 1966 representatives of the
Military Governors and Lt.-Col. Gowon agreed in Lagos that, inter alia
"Immediate steps should be taken to post military personnel to barracks
within their respective regions of origin". It was generally recognised
that tension would be reduced and Biafrans would have less fear of
attending meetings elsewhere in Southern Nigeria if this measure was
taken. The implementation of this agreement was pressed on numerous
occasions from August 1966 until the collapse of the Federation, but was
totally ignored by the Northern "conquerors". Again, after long
persuasion, the military rulers of Northern Nigeria agreed to attend a
conference at Aburi, Ghana, in January 1967. Far-reaching decisions
aimed at restoring the Federation to normalcy were taken at this
meeting. As is now well-known, the Northern military rulers at first
repudiated the decisions as soon as they returned to Lagos but,
following further persuasion both from within and outside Nigeria,
proceeded to implement only a portion of the Aburi decisions. At the
same time the Federal Government contrary to an Aburi decision stopped
paying its staff serving in Biafra, and withheld the Biafran share of
Federal revenues.
The protests of Biafrans
against the attitude of the North were met with threats of military
subjugation. The proposal that Nigerian military lenders should meet in
the presence of named African heads of States was spurned. The stoppage
of salaries of Biafrans in the Federal public Service and Corporation
compelled the Government of Biafra to pay these salaries in addition to
bearing the financial burden of rehabilitating other refugees and
displaced persons. Then the Lagos Government continued to withhold the
periodic payments and remittances from Federal funds due to the
Government of Biafra, the Biafran Government was forced to take steps to
stop the continued accumulation of debt by the Lagos Government by
promulgating the Revenue Collection Edict. Thereafter, the Lagos
Government mounted a blockade aimed at the economic strangulation of
Biafra.
It is this calculated and
systematic persecution of Biafrans in the former Federation of Nigeria
that has driven us to seek justice and salvation in independence.
Molested, taunted, hounded, murdered and finally driven away from other
parts of Nigeria, Biafrans have been compelled to acknowledge that close
association with Fulani-Hausa is fraught with disaster. We have
therefore taken up the challenge to our liberty and dedicated ourselves
to the struggle for our survival.
Some well-meaning
observers have expressed doubts as to whether the Republic of Biafra can
survive both economically and politically as an independent, sovereign
state. Firstly, they hint that Biafra had been so tied to the economy of
the rest of Nigeria that if the federal links were severed Biafrans
would suffer a fall in their present standard of living. In the second
place they have tried to emphasize that Biafra consists of a composite
group of people who lack the attributes of a nation. Such views have
obviously arisen from an imperfect understanding of Biafra, past and
present.
It is, among other
things, in order to enlighten the enquirer and reassure the waverer that
this publication is being issued. In the following pages the reader
will discover the real Biafra, a country which has through the ages
undergone a political as well as an economic transformation resulting in
the emergence of a virile and united nation that is capable of
sustaining itself in the committee of nations.
II. The Country
The country, Biafra, is
an almost rhomboid shaped territory which is demarcated to the west by
the lower reaches of the River Niger and its Delta, to the East by the
Obudu plateau and the Highlands of Oban and Ikom, to the south by the
Bight of Biafra and to the North by an administrative boundary
following, approximately, the 7 deg. N. latitude. The total area is over
29,400 square miles. Thus Biafra, almost as big as Gambia and Sierra
Leone put together, is bigger than Togo or Rwanda and Burundi combined,
and is four times the size of the Republic of Israel.
The territory is
well-watered throughout the year, lying to a large extent in the basins
of the Niger River, the Cross River, the Kwa River and the Imo River.
Three quarters of these river basins are lowland less than 400 feet
above sea-level. The well-known Niger Delta which extends through two of
the twenty provinces of Biafra, occupies about one-fifth of the
lowland. North of the lowland the country rises gradually through open
flat land to the Oban hills and Obudu plateau in the east and the Nsukka
and Udi hills in the west. The Obudu plateau rises to over 6,300 feet
and is one of the coolest and mast delightful parts of West Africa.
There are also beautiful uplands in the provinces of Okigwi, Orlu and
Nsukka.
Biafra is wholly located
within the tropics, being only a few degrees north of the equator. But
the climate, although humid at some periods of the year, is on the whole
not too hot. Monthly average temperatures range between 70 deg. F and
90 deg. F, and average rainfall from about 60 inches in the north to
about 140 inches in the Niger Delta. Like the rest of West Africa, the
territory has two main seasons, namely a rainy and a dry season. The
former generally begins towards the end of April but remains mild until
the period June to September when the rains become heavy though
intermittent. There is usually a short break in the rains during the
first two weeks of August. The dry season which, in most parts of
Biafra, lasts from November to March is characterised by relatively
light rainfall. A Prominent feature of this season is the dry, bracing
Harmattan wind that blows from the Sahara southwards between the months
of December and February.
The tropical climate of
the country favours the growth of luxuriant vegetation. Mangrove forest
covers a depth of between 10 and 40 miles of the coastal lowlands,
including the Niger Delta. Beyond this belt is the rain forest which
extends northwards for approximately 80 miles. In the few places where
the forest is still virgin are to be found many species of giant and
medium-size trees with a thick evergreen canopy of broad leaves which
restrict the penetration of sunlight. Except in the forest reserves,
which are located especially in parts of the Cross River basin, much of
the rain forest has been cleared and is honey-combed with villages,
farms and oil-palm groves. North of the rain forest, as far as the
Northern boundary of Biafra, the vegetation thins out into rich
grassland or Guinea Savannah which is characterised by tall grasses and
medium size trees.
III. The People
INTER-GROUP RELATIONSHIP
According to the last
census conducted in November 1963 the population of the Republic of
Biafra is 12.4 million, The figure has risen by the date of this
publication to over 14 million following the crisis of 1966 in the
former Federation of Nigeria and Which, as has already been mentioned,
forced Biafrans in other parts of the Federation to take refuge in their
home region. The present population of Biafra, therefore, equals the
total number of people inhibiting the West African states of Togo,
Dahomey, Ghana, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Gambia put together. In the
whole of Africa, Biafra is now the fourth largest in population,
exceeded only by Nigeria, the U.A.R. and Ethiopia, and equaling Congo
Kinshasa. However, her population density of about 500 persons per
square mile is the highest in the whole of Africa. The significance of
this factor in terms of economic development arid potentialities is
obvious.
A tradition that has
become generally accepted divides the population of Biafra into four
main "tribes"; a division which accounts for ninety-eight per cent of
the total population inhabiting the country, namely, the Ibos, the
Ibibio-Efiks, the Ijaws and the Ogojas. But, in fact this is an
over-simplification introduced by people foreign to Biafra. Until the
above classification, the people of the territory did not live or regard
themselves as homogenous "tribes" differing one from another; rather,
they lived in towns and villages each of which regarded itself as
distinct although in many cases linked to its neighbours by a mythical
or real ancestor. Thus the people now known as Ibos thought of
themselves as Awka, Bende, Aro, Ngwa, etc.; the Ibibio-Efiks as Uyo,
Itu, etc.; the Ijaw as Okrika, Ibani, Kalabari, Nembe etc.; and the
Ogojas as Ekoi, Akunakuna, Boki, etc.
In other words, the
present Ibos, Ibibio-Efiks, Ogojas and Ijaws did not regard themselves
as such until they were so classified by foreigners. For example, the
word "Ibo" was probably derived from "Heebo" which, according to some
European trader of the 19th century, was the name given by Biafran
traders on the coast to the hinterland area where they traded.
Subsequent European traders slightly changed the word to "Eboe" from
which "Ibo" was derived. It should be noted, also, that the same Biafran
traders on the coast differentiated between the "Ibo" in the hinterland
and the "Kwa Ibo", that is, Ibos living on the Kwa river. The latter
are now known as Ibibios. The traders, of course, were merely using the
word "Ibo" as a general term for people living in the hinterland rather
than for a tribe in the modern sense of the word. The term "Ibo" was
applied by all the inhabitants of the Eastern Delta to those of the
Western Delta and never to themselves. It is interesting to note also
that the riverine groups on the banks of the lower Niger, Onitsha,
Osomari, Oguta etc., refer to their hinterland neighbours as "Igbo", a
term which they do not apply to themselves. Thus it would seem that
modern tribal consciousness, represented by the application of the term
Ibo, Ibibio, Ijo or Ogoja in Biafra, was fostered not by the people
themselves but by foreigners who were ignorant of the intricate bonds
which held the country together and who classified Biafrans according to
their own linguistic and other criteria.
These bonds were woven
from the earliest times when the territory was peopled. Archaeological
evidence reveals that Biafra has been under continuous human occupation
for at least 3,000 years and, as is now being discovered, that her
people developed an ancient civilisation a thousand years ago, that is
about half a millennium before the emergence of the Kingdom of Benin.
Linguistic data also confirm the antiquity of the main languages spoken
in the area. It seems, therefore, that the main groups of Biafra were
indigenous to the territory and that contact among them has existed
since primeval-times. This does not mean, of course, that the area was
not touched, even in early times, by external influences. Naturally,
populations on both sides of the Biafran borders have had cultural and
other exchanges over the centuries. Thus the Delta city-states of
Kalabari, Bonny, Brass, etc., have traditions which reveal an early
Benin influence, while the riverine city-states of Onitsha and Osomari
have some cultural affinities with Benin and Igala. More recently, of
course, the entire area his come under the influence of Western
civilisation. But while these external influences are significant, what
is of paramount importance is the acculturation and inter-dependence
which have taken place among the various indigenous groups within the
area, and which have welded them together over the centuries.
One cause of the
acculturation could be ascribed to the periodic movement of population
from one area to another within the territory. Sometimes the movement
was slow, took many years and involved very long distances. In some
cases, however, it was fast and comparatively short. In either case the
consequence was to bring new peoples into new areas and to open
opportunities for cultural interaction and diffusion.
Another cause of the
acculturation was the economic nexus which developed in the territory
from very early times. Because the communities were interdependent
economically, trade tended to flow in all directions and the constant
meeting of people from various communities enabled each to learn, and
sometimes to emulate, the customs or borrow the vocabulary of the other.
For example, two of the most important articles of trade, salt and
dried fish, were provided by the Delta communities who then received in
exchange some of the farm products of the hinterland. As might be
expected, the constant movement of traders through contiguous areas
further encouraged mutual understanding.
The growth of the oversea
trade in slaves intensified commercial relations within the territory
and also fostered the integration of Biafra. The Delta, from where the
slaves were exported, became a melting pot in which the "Ibos",
"Ibibios", and "Ijaws" virtually lost their separate identities. New
families and new ruling houses emerged from the admixture and modified
the existing order. For example, among the Delta communities
Ibo-speaking men rose to the exalted position of paramount ruler. An
English trading captain, H. Crow, who visited the Delta in the late
eighteen twenties, recorded that "the King of New Calabar (modern
Kalabari) ..., and Pepple King of Bonny, were both of Ibo descent". At
the same time liberated slaves who returned to their original homes in
the hinterland to trade, introduced new ideas and practices. When the
palm oil trade superseded the slave trade a further step was taken
towards inter-community diffusion. The nature of the palm oil trade
necessitated the establishment of colonies of people not indigenous to
the locality, and their culture influenced and was influenced by the
surrounding population.
It was not only trade
that contributed towards the evolution of a homogenous Biafra in the
precolonial era; there was also the contribution of the prevalent
division of labour within the territory. Individual communities were
noted and relied upon for specific skills. This encouraged their
movement from one place to another during which the inter-dependence of
all the communities was enhanced and emphasized. For example, the people
of Awka were famed throughout the centre and north of Biafra as
wood-carvers, while the Nri people supplied the priestly class so
essential for the religious welfare of the surrounding communities.
Southwards, there were the blacksmiths, of Nkwerre, the wood-carvers of
Annang, the Item and Ibibio doctors, the warriors or mercenaries of
Ohafia and Abam and the priests of Arochukwu. Thus it came to be
generally accepted that one community supplied the wants of another and
the tradition of mutual reliance and support, now characteristic of
Biafrans, became established.
Mobility over the
centuries depended on the intricate system of road and water
communications which linked the whole territory together. Along these
traveled the traders, the craftsmen, the itinerant priests, the
medicinemen and the emissaries of the various communities. The most
important markets in Biafra were held at specific, well-known intervals
and were so sited that traders had to move from one part of Biafra to
another.
It is probable that if a
strong military power had arisen within the territory capable of
subjugating the city-states and villages, a powerful nation under one
political direction would have emerged before the advent of British rule
as happened in other parts of the African continent. Such a political
authority, however, was not necessary given the Biafran way of life. As
will be seen below, relationships among Biafrans was moderated by
matrilineal connections, and attitude to warfare was mild to the extent
that combatants readily yielded to arbitration by third parties, or by
the Long Juju Oracle of Arochukwu which was recognised as a final court
of appeal by virtually all the inhabitants of Biafra.
One consequence of the
process of acculturation was that groups emerged in the region which,
although possessing certain dissimilarities in language, custom and
tradition, yet retained many common links baffling to the foreigner in
search of simple explanations and classifications. Inclined towards
generalisations, the Europeans who penetrated into and later ruled
Africa, found common names for groups of people with the greatest
obvious similarities and labeled they as "tribes", "sub-tribes", "clans"
etc. In place of the ever continuing cultural diffusion a process was
set in motion which not only labeled groups but compartmentalised and
isolated them. Thus groups of people became more self-conscious than
they had ever been and learned to identify themselves with such "tribal"
names as Ibo, Ibibio, Ijaw etc. This tendency grew with the
consolidation of British rule and the introduction of "native"
administration which emphasized the separateness of "tribes".
It could thus be seen
that, comparatively, the current tribal labels are of very recent
origin. Nevertheless, as a result of the spread of Western education,
the names have gained wide acceptance. Furthermore, with the advent of
self-government and the emergence of political parties, the skilful and
often unscrupulous exploitation of the emotions associated with these
labels has served as a useful tactic for securing electoral victories.
The result has been to deepen the impression of distinctiveness already
created by the universal acceptance of the labels.
However, while British
rule and its immediate aftermath on the one hand, has tended to
emphasize the "tribe", Western technology, on the other, has introduced
new links which have contributed towards the political, social and
economic integration of Biafra. The use of modern and fast means of
transport, the growth of new cosmopolitan towns and the spread of
Western education have had the effect of further blurring the
differences between and enhancing the interdependence of the various
communities. Differences in language have been largely overcome by the
use of English, and any one with a smattering of that language can
easily move from one corner of the nation to another without fear of
being unable to communicate with the people he would meet. Furthermore,
since Biafra never came under the influence of Islam the spread of
Christianity has not caused such complications in religious belief as
are often found in places where two vigorous foreign religions and
cultures are superimposed on the indigenous religion. Finally, it should
be pointed out that for nearly three-quarters of a century Biafra has
been ruled as a single political unit and the vast majority of the
population have grown accustomed to the fact of their political
uniqueness as Biafrans.
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SYSTEM
The extent of
acculturation in Biafra is clearly demonstrated by the similarity in the
political and social systems of all groups. Although the account which
follows largely refers to the Period preceding colonial rule, it must be
borne in mind that much of the political and social system discussed is
still in vogue.
Each of the groups
possessed central administrative and judicial institutions, and power as
well as authority was based not on birth but on wealth, status and age
of the individual or individuals wielding them. Ultimate pourer,
however, did not reside in the central authority, which consisted
essentially of a federation of politically equivalent segments, but in
the segments themselves.
Usually the government of
the community was entrusted to a Council of Elders who were heads of
the component segments known either as compound, hamlet or ward. The
council was presided over by a head who must be acceptable to all and
who was, in a political sense, a first among equals. The Council of
Elders was not really a legislative body but an informal body which met
as the occasion arose. Its primary function was to take decisions on
weighty matters affecting the
whole community, such as the declaration of war and peace, the
settlement of serious internal disputes which otherwise might wreck the
solidarity of the community, and the regulation and performance of
rituals aimed at safeguarding the welfare of members of the group.
The day-to-day affairs of
the segment rested with the Elder (variously called Okpara, Etubom, Ete
Ekpuk etc.). He wields political, judicial and religious authority,
arbitrated in internal disputes and represented the group in its
external relations with others. His authority was generally accorded
chiefly because he was recognised as the intermediary between the group
and its ancestors,
Throughout Biafra there
has always been an identical attitude to law and custom. Both were
inextricably bound together and were believed to have been handed down
to the people's ancestors by the gods. Thus anyone who violated those
laws not only incurred the displeasure of the living but also the anger
of the ancestors as well as of the gods. This attitude towards law
helped in minimising anti-social behaviour. Sometimes it was necessary
to make a new law, and for that the consent of the entire community had
to be sought; a practice which was relatively easy on account of the
small size of each group. This traditional process of general
participation in the act of law-making provided, for the young and old
alike, vital education in the principles of the existing social order.
Subsequently, the law was ratified by the Elders and given divine
sanction by sacrifice and by invoking the approval of the ancestors. It
is this element of popular consent and direct participation in the
enactment of laws which attracted the attention of foreign visitors to
Biafra and led them to conclude rightly that Biafrans were
ultra-democratic, highly individualistic and disliked or suspected any
form of external government and authority.
In the sphere of social
relations, Biafrans had a common attitude to marriage. Marriage was not
regarded in any part of the country as an affair between two
individuals, a man and a woman, but between the whole family of the man
and that of his prospective spouse. Betrothed girls in most parts of the
territory usually went into a period of seclusion sometimes known as
the "fattening" period. Custom encouraged the man to look for a bride
outside his lineage (exogamy) not only because this increased the
population of the lineage but because it created an external alliance,
sealed in blood relationship, which widened the contacts of relatives on
both sides. By this means a member of a, lineage became connected with
the lineage of his of his mother or wife or sisters, and vice versa. He
could thus traverse in peace vast distances merely by passing through
areas inhabited by his in-laws. If he was a trader the advantage of this
arrangement was obvious and in this sense it could by said for Biafrans
that trade followed the wife. The system of marriage also had political
implications because, although in the pre-colonial era them was no
single political authority recognised throughout Biafra, the ties of
marriage ensured relative peace and a sense of common belonging.
There were three other
social institutions prevalent in Biafra which demonstrated the extent of
her cultural homogeneity. Firstly, there was the institution known as
the "Age-set" or "Age-grade". Males born in the same year or within a
specified number of years were grouped together to form one ago-set.
These sets were organised on village bases but each unit could, and
often did, maintain close ties with an identical unit in neighbouring
villages. The status of the age-set in the community increased with ago.
Often when the members attained the age of between 12 and 15 it was
formally recognised, took a name and appointed a leader. Age-sets
rendered such services to the community as the clearing of paths,
cutting of forests, and the defence of the village. They imposed
self-discipline on their members and could punish them for any laxity in
behaviour. In many cases women were also organised in age-sets and
these might contribute to a common fund for mutual assistance and
usually acted as pressure groups within the community.
The second institution
was the title society. Membership of these societies was secured not by
birth but through age and individual merit as represented by the ability
to make the appropriate payments in cash and in kind. Usually these
societies were open only to the free born, but among the Delta
communities slaves who were able to afford the initiation expenses could
readily become members. It was common for such societies to be graded
in an ascending order of seniority which also conferred increasing
privileges and status. Membership could only be gained according to the
stipulated order and after the requisite rites had been performed.
Lastly, there were the
secret societies, a large number of which still exist. In many cases
title-holders were associated with specific secret societies, and the
two institutions thus tended to coincide. In other cases, however, the
two were separate, with secret societies constituting a larger group to
which every full member of the community could be admitted. One of the
most common of these societies was the Ekpe (also known as Egbo, Akang,
Ekpo etc.) which also corresponded to the Owuogbo of the Delta in its
functions. These secret societies were used to uphold the legal
decisions of the Council of Elders or of the community as a whole, they
also ensured conformity in certain rituals and in social behaviour and
undertook certain public works for the community. Membership of some
secret societies and knowledge of their signs (for example Okonko)
served as a passport for the initiate while travelling in distant places
where a lodge of the society existed. This, in a way, helped to foster
social integration within tine country.
In the religious sphere,
there has always been an element of homogeneity in Biafra. As already
stated, Islam never touched even the borders of the territory. The
result has been that until the advent of Christianity in the nineteenth
century all Biafrans followed the religion of their ancestors. There
existed a universal belief in a Supreme Deity (variously celled Chuku,
Chineke, Abasi etc.) which resided above and was the source of creation,
life and fertility. Apart from the Supreme Deity, it was also believed
that there were other lesser gods of thunder, sun, wood etc., as well as
spirits which were divided into the good and the evil depending on
their supposed attitude towards the individual or the community as a
whole. The cult of the "Earth" spirit was one of the most important in
Biafra. This deity was regarded as the mistress of the underworld and
the cult of the ancestors was closely associated with it. Some of the
more serious crimes such as murder, adultery, poisoning and stealing
farm products were regarded as offences committed against the Earth
deity. Laws were enacted and oaths sworn in her name so that reverence
for the Earth Spirit became one of the integrative forces for most
communities.
With the introduction and
spread of Christianity most of the traditional deities have been
abandoned and Christian beliefs have supervened. The change has also
advanced the integrative effects of indigenous religion by providing a
basically uniform system of beliefs which pervades social and political
thought and practice throughout Biafra.
IV. Economic Resources
The greatest economic
asset of Biafra is her human resources. The people have long been famed
for their industry, initiative, self-reliance and an almost insatiable
thirst for learning. Her relatively large and dense population provides a
ready and easily accessible market for agricultural and industrial
products. There is therefore a genuine incentive for an economic
revolution and already this is beginning to take place.
The government and people
of the country realised early the importance of education for a
developing country and now there is an abundance of skilled men and
women in most aspects of human endeavour. The key role which Biafrans
played in keeping the wheel of commerce and industry revolving
throughout Nigeria vas cloudy demonstrated in 1966. When the survivors
of the pogrom fled to Biafra the Nigerian economy, especially in the
North, almost ground to a halt. Biafra is making even greater efforts to
educate her people and to provide them with the knowledge and skills
for survival in this age of technology.
At the moment Biafra has a
primary school population of about 1,250,000 which is almost equal to
that of what now remains of Nigeria. Her secondary grammar school
population of 65,000 accommodated in 283 separate institutions bears the
same proportion to Nigeria. In 1967 there were also 33 secondary
commercial schools with an enrolment of 5,674 and the number enrolled in
secondary technical schools exceeded 5,000. In the field of higher
education Biafra has a university at Nsukka (a second campus of the
University is at Enugu) with an undergraduate enrolment of nearly 3,000.
This university now has nine Faculties including such crucial ones as
agriculture, engineering and medicine. A second university for Biafra
(The University of Science and Technology) will open at Port Harcourt in
October 1967. At Enugu, the capital of Biafra, there is also an
Institute of Administration for training high-level administrative and
managerial man-power, a University Teaching Hospital for training
doctors and ancillary medical staff, and a Law School far the
professional training of jurists. Biafrans graduating in various
disciplines and vocations from
institutions of higher learning at home and abroad exceed 1,000
annually. There is no country in Black Africa that excels Biafra in the
educational facilities provided for its people.
One of the well-known
characteristics of Biafrans, namely self-reliance, has been of immense
value in the development of the country. Community developments, for
instance, started in Biafra with village communities raising funds, and
providing voluntary labour to construct roads to link their villages
with major towns and markets. By the late forties, community development
efforts had extended to the construction of hospitals, maternity homes,
dispensaries and village schools. Many communities were stimulated to
greater efforts by the work of Mr. E. R. Chadwick, a British District
Officer at Udi. Recognising the self-help characteristic of the Biafrans
he organised the people of his district for general community
development projects including a 5-mile road, a village school, a
maternity home and a co-operative shop, activities which he recorded in a
film entitled "Day-Break in Udi". Church organisations, village and
town improvement unions, age-grades and various other societies all have
taken an active part in providing for the communities in Biafra such
social services as water supply, postal agencies, bridges, town halls
and market places. And when, in 1963, the Government of Biafra directed
that emphasis should be shifted from the projects on social services to
those that stimulate economic growth, many communities responded and
undertook various agricultural and industries projects - all with
minimum Government assistance.
Biafra is not only rich
in human resources but is also blessed with enormous material resources
some of which are only recently being realised and exploited. In the
pre-colonial era, of course, the country was famous for its palm oil and
palm kernel and for long under British rule the revenue derived from
these were used in balancing the budget of the whole of Nigeria. Indeed
the whole rationale for the amalgamation of Northern and Southern
Nigeria in 1914 was to enable the colonial power to use the revenue
derived from the South, and especially from Biafra, to offset the
deficit incurred in the budget of Northern Nigeria.
In recent years Biafra
has improved its production of palm produce. It is generally known that
Nigeria was one of the world's most important exporter of palm produce,
supplying 50 per cent of the World's palm kernel and over 30 per cent of
its palm oil. What is perhaps not so well-known is that Biafra produced
over 90 per cent of the Nigerian palm kernel and nearly 50 per cent of
the palm oil. During the current Six-Year Development Plan which expires
in 1968 Biafra has spent almost £4 million in the establishment of
plantations and the rehabilitation of old palm-trees. Thus the future of
this vital source of revenue is assured for Biafra.
However, the Government
of the territory has not failed to appreciate the danger of a
single-crop economy. Thus it has for a long time embarked on the
extensive cultivation of such cash crops as cocoa, rubber and copra. As
regards cocoa, it is anticipated that production in Biafra will amount
to about 10,000 tons per annum, by 1968. Large plantations of rubber
have been established in some parts of the country. One of them
established by the Dunlop Rubber Company is valued at about £1,000,000.
Exports of rubber from Biafra now is almost 60,000 tons per annum and
this figure is likely to increase greatly when the plantation scheme of
the country begins to mature. Biafra also produced over 60 per cent of
the copra exported from Nigeria and further extension of the plantations
have been made. Other agricultural products which are being exploited
on an increasing scale are raffia, piassava, jute, castor. soya beans,
groundnuts, benniseed and sugar cane.
At the same time, Biafra
is almost self-sufficient in the production of food crops. This was
demonstrated when, as a result of the recent crisis, the flow of
foodstuffs into and out of Biafra ceased. It was discovered that the
cost of several food items dropped considerably resulting in a
remarkable reduction in the cost of living, in spite of the
extra-ordinary rise in the population. Common food crops produced in the
country include yams, tomatoes, bananas, pawpaws, cassava, rice, beans,
plantains, pineapples, onions, peppers, oranges, avocado pears, etc.
Protein, especially meat, was supplied in the post largely from external
sources but recent events have shown that even here Biafra could easily
be self-sufficient. The cattle ranch at Obudu, a place 5,000 feet above
sea level and free from tse-tse fly, now produces a substantial
quantity of the country's meat supply and more ranches are being
established. There is also a large and growing stock of goats, sheep and
pigs. Poultry-keeping has recently become a thriving business in the
country and Biafra is at present virtually self-sufficient as regards
the supply of eggs and chicken.
Owing to its geographical
position, Biafra is rich in timber, most of which is yet to be
exploited. Approximately 9 per cent of the total area of the country has
been designated forest reserves and there is a vast acreage of forest
plantations. Biafra now exports nearly 3 million cubic foot of logs end
about 35,000 feet of sewn timber annually.
The country does not
depend an its agricultural and forest resources alone; there is also an
abundance of mineral deposits which is contributing enormously to the
wealth of Biafra. Limestone of a high grade, suitable for the
manufacture of cement, is found in many parts of the territory. A
substantial iron ore deposit, with a metal content of about 42 per cent
after beneficiation, has been discovered near Enugu. Around Abakaliki,
in the north, there are large deposits of lead and zinc ore; as well as a
small quantity of silver. Potential annual production rates have been
estimated at 13,150 tons lead concentrates and 8,150 tons zinc. There is
also an abundance of clay deposits all over the country suitable far
ceramic and other industrial purposes. Large quantities of sandstone and
glass sands exist on the outskirts of Enugu as well as at Afam, Port
Harcourt and elsewhere. A mineral which has played a great part in the
economic development of Nigeria is coal. It has been mined in Biafra
since 1914 and is the only source of this form of fuel in West Africa.
In 1950 the total output was well over 900,000 tons but since then the
market for coal has been shrinking, mainly because an increasing number
of countries are now using diesel, fuel oil and natural gas instead of
coal as a source of energy.
The discovery nearly ten
years ago that Biafra possessed oil and natural gas in commercial
quantities was a milestone in the economic development of the country.
The exploitation of these minerals has made astonishing progress. In
1958 crude oil production was 229,458 net tons but five years later it
had risen to 3,694,981 net tons. Current production stands at over 7
million net tons annually. More oil deposits are still being discovered
in the country and production is yet to begin from a large number of
oil-bearing wells. Similarly, vast quantities of natural gas have barn
discovered in a number of areas within the country. It has been
estimated that production from one area alone could easily exceed 50
million cubic feet a day if fully exploited.
The exploitation of
mineral resources in Biafra has naturally led to the establishment of a
number of industries and the projection of several others. Two cement
factories at Nkalagu and Calabar, with a total potential output of about
6 million tons annually, use local limestone. It is anticipated that an
Iron and Steel Industry will soon be started which will be based on the
iron and coal deposits of the country; already a small steel rolling
mill is in operation near Enugu. The clay deposits of the country serve
one ceramic and two pottery industries. A glass factory has been set up
at Port Harcourt to exploit local deposits of glass sand. There is now
in operation an oil refinery which 1s fed by local crude oil, and the
establishment of a full-scale petro-chemical industry is under active
consideration.
The list of industrial
projects under operation or planned is by no means exhausted. In the
colonial era factories had been established in Biafra to manufacture
cigarettes, soap, furniture, metal doors and windows, drinks (soft and
alcoholic) and aluminium roofing sheets. Since 1960 those industries
have increased their output and new ones have been started. Late in
September 1962, the £3 million Michelin Plant in Port Harcourt produced
the first pneumatic motor tyre to be manufactured in West Africa. There
are also two textile mills in the country valued at nearly £8 million.
Two large aluminium companies supply the country's needs of corrugated
iron sheets, semi-fabricated aluminium sheets and cooking utensils.
There is a factory for the manufacture of asbestos, cement sheeting
products and pressure pipes. A modern shoe industry at Owerri
manufactures foot-wear of all types. There are also factories for the
manufacture of industrial gases, enamelware, flour, plywood, stationery,
razor blades, matches, cosmetics, pharmaceuticals, paints, gramophone
records, etc.
>From the foregoing
can be seen that few countries in Africa possess economic resources,
human and material, comparable to Biafra. The resulting impact of the
judicious exploitation of these resources on the life of the people has
been remarkable. It is noticeable, for instance, in the rapid growth of
the urban population over the past few yours; the population of each of
the principal towns (Enugu, Onitsha, and Port Harcourt) already exceeds
400,000. All the principal towns are linked by about 2,500 miles of
tarred, all-season roads, a record in Africa. On the whole, there are
over 17,500 miles of road in Biafra, probably the densest road net-work
in Africa.
A railway line, 192 miles
long, runs from Port Harcourt through the heart of the country to
Northern Nigeria.. The country is also served by three air ports at
Calabar, Enugu and Port Harcourt. Enugu airport is at the moment being
lengthened to accommodate jet planes and a new International airport is
proposed for Part Harcourt. The principal port of Biafra at Port
Harcourt is one of the largest in West Africa; the port now has eight
main berths with a depth of 35 feet, transit sheds and a warehouse
capable of taking 15,000 tons export produce. Further expansion of the
port and its facilities is in progress with a loan of £3.5 million from
the World Bank. There are two other smaller ports at Calabar and Degema
while Bonny has recently been developed as an oil terminal for the
export of crude oil.
Biafrans, engaged in
farming, fishing or cottage industries in their villages, have also
benefited from the economic growth of the country. They are, in many
cases, now served by pipe-borne water and good roads, and a rural
electrification project has already been launched to provide them with
light and power. Their children have local primary schools within easy
reach, and a secondary school is usually not far away. Hospitals or
clinics are also close at hand for the sick; and so are maternity
centres.
V. Conclusion
Enough, it is hoped, has
been said above to introduce the reader to Biafra and its people. It is a
country inhabited from very early times by much the same people as live
there today. The people evolved a political system which for hundreds
of years allowed each of the small component groups to manage its own
affairs but at the same time to regain certain cultural and economic
links that bound the country into a relatively peaceful and homogeneous
unit. With the advent of Europeans and the imposition of colonial rule
those links were ignored in the search for labels so that Biafrans seen
began to be regarded is members of four main "tribes" called "Ibo",
"Ibibio-Efik", "Ogoja", and "Ijo". Subsequently, the formation of
political parties and the exploitation of these labels by unscrupulous
politicians led to popularisation of the tribal label. But, on the
whole, something of the old spirit of common identity remained and was
reinforced by the fact that the whole country was administered
throughout the period of colonial rule and after as single political
unit.
Earlier, the creation of
an artificial geographical unit called Nigeria by the colonial power
induced Biafrans to settle in large numbers outside their home. The
pogrom planned against them by the Fulani-Hausa of the North in 1966 has
forced the survivors to seek refuge in their original homeland.
Consequently, an irreversible movement of population has taken place
which has revived the spirit of nationalism in Biafra and raised it
higher than ever before. There is everywhere a feeling of common purpose
and common destiny comparable to the anti-colonial movement of the
past. Biafra has now resolutely joined in the committee of nations as a
sovereign country which Biafrans see as their only salvation if they are
to survive as a people. Having lost ever 30,000 of their nationals and
seen the dispossessed survivors hounded out of the rest of Nigeria they
have been left with no alternative but either to succumb to the
domination of the Fulani-Hausa or to stand on their own. They intensely
feel that the path of survival and the path of honour lie in the latter
alternative.
Biafrans have all the attributes of a nation. With a population of over 14
million living in contiguous and compact territory, they have an
undisputed homeland of their own. They possess a well-trained man-power
reserve second to none in Black Africa. Their country is rich in
agricultural and mineral resources which are capable of sustaining them
and enabling there to stand on their own. They already have
well-developed industries producing a wide range of manufactures, and
many more are either under construction or at the planning stage. They
are capable of defending the integrity of their country and playing an
effective role in the counsels of Africa and the world. Above all they
possess an abundance of energy and an indomitable will to succeed.
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LONG LIVE THE REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA
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